I know the
name of liberty id dear to each one of us; but have we not enjoyed liberty even
under the English monarchy? Shall we this day renounce that to go and seek it
in I know not what form of republic, which will soon change into a licentious
anarchy and popular tyranny? In
the human body the head only sustains and governs all the members, directing
them, with admirable harmony, to the same object, which is self-preservation
and happiness; so the head of the body politic, that is the king, in concert
with the Parliament, can alone maintain the union of the members of this
Empire, lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obviating all the evils
produced by variety of opinions and diversity of interests. And so firm is my persuasion of this
that I fully believe the most cruel war which Great Britain could make upon us
would be that of not making any; and that the surest means of bring us back to
her obedience would be that of employing none. For the dread of the English arms, once removed, provinces
would rise up against provinces
and cities against cities; and we shall be seen to turn against ourselves the
arms we have taken up to combat the common enemy.
Insurmountable
necessity would then compel us to resort to the tutelary authority which we
should have rashly abjured, and, if it consented to receive us again under its
aegis, it would be no longer as free citizens but as slaves. Still inexperienced and in our infancy,
what proof have we given of our ability to walk without a guide?
ÉOur
union with EnglandÉis no less necessary to procure us, with foreign powers,
that condescension and respect t which is so essential to the prosperity of our
commerce, to the enjoyment of any consideration, and to the accomplishment of
any enterpriseÉ From the moment when our separation shall take place,
everything will assume a contrary direction. The nations will accustom themselves to look upon us with
disdain; even the pirates of Africa and Europe will fall upon our vessels, will
massacre our seamen, or lead them into a cruel and perpetual slaveryÉ
Independence,
I am aware, has attractions for all mankind but I am maintaining that, in the
present quarrel, the friends o independence are the promoters of slavery, and
those who desire to separate would but render us more dependent,Éto change the
condition of English subjects for that of slaves to the whole world is a step
that could only be counseled by insanityÉ
But here I
am interrupted and told that no one questions the advantages which America
derived at first from her conjunction with England; but that the new
pretensions of the ministers have changed all, have subverted all. If I should
deny that, ÉI should deny not only what is the manifest truth but even what I
have so often advanced and supported.
But is there any doubt that is already feels a secrete repentance? These arms, these soldiers it prepares
against us are not designed to establish tyranny upon our shores but to
vanquish our obstinacy, and to compel us to subscribe to conditions
accommodations.
ÉTo
pretend to reduce us to an absolute impossibility of resistance, in cases of
oppression, would be, on their part, a chimericalÉ [But only] an uninterrupted
succession of victories and triumphs could alone constrain England to
acknowledge American independence; which, whether we can expect, whoever knows
the instability of fortune can easily judge.
If
we have combated successfully at Lexington and at Boston, Quebec and all Canada
have witnessed our reverses.
Everyone sees the necessity of opposing the extraordinary pretensions of
the ministers; but does everybody see also that of fighting for independence?
ÉThe
English cherish the liberty we defend; they respect the dignity of our cause;
but they will blame, they will detest our recourse to independence, and will
unite with one consent to combat us.
The
propagators of the new doctrine are pleased to assure us that, out of jealousy
toward England, foreign sovereigns will lavish their succors upon us, as if
these sovereigns could sincerely applaud rebellion; as if they had not
colonies, even here in America, in which it is important for them to maintain
obedience and tranquility
There
are many persons who, to gain their ends, extol the advantages of a republic
over monarchy. I will not here
undertake to examine which of these two forms of government merits the
preference. I know, however, that
the English nation, after having tried them both, has never found repose except
in monarchy. I know, also, that in
popular republics themselves, so necessary is monarchy to cement human society,
it has been requisite to institute monarchial powersÉNor should I here omit an
observation, the truth of which appears to me incontestable Ð the English
constitution seems to be the fruit of
the experience of all anterior time, in which monarchy is so tempered that the monarch finds
himself checked in his efforts to seize absolute; and the authority of the
people is so regulated that anarchy is not to be feared. But for us it is to be apprehended
that, when the counterpoise of monarchy shall no l longer exist, the democratic
power may carry all before it and involved the whole state in confusion and
ruin. Then an ambitious citizen
may arise, seize the reins of power, and annihilate liberty foreverÉ
Source:
ÒSpeech of John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, Favoring a Condition of Union with
England, Delivered, July 1, 1776,Ó Principles and Acts of the Revolution in
America, Hezekiah
Niles (Baltimore, 1822), 493-495.